29 May 2008

Nine years of vision and vermin

It's been nine long years since Nick Griffin unseated John Tyndall as BNP leader in what can fairly be described as the only relatively honest leadership election (in purely mechanical terms) the BNP ever held. And it's only ever held two.

Naturally, neither man was entirely honest in how they conducted their campaigns, and still less honest with their respective supporters as to their future intentions - but of the two only Nicholas Griffin was presented with the opportunity to demonstrate the fact, and upon winning lost very little time in giving the BNP a hefty dose of the control freakery and paranoia he had once administered to the National Front, the same which sent that organisation into terminal decline.

What is striking at this remove is John Tyndall's magnaminity in allowing the then recently arrived Griffin's 1999 challenge, to the point of permitting Griffin the full use of BNP structures and mechanisms even as the six-month campaign quickly descended into a long series of visceral dog-fights. It is, after all, John Tyndall who we see pictured in Nazi uniform, not the alleged "moderniser" Nick Griffin.

In 1999 Griffin claimed to be running an "open and honest" leadership challenge based on "positive ideas for the future", calling himself the candidate with "flair and vision". This certainly struck a chord with the BNP's newer members, and even appealed to some hardline BNP veterans all too aware of Tyndall's advancing years and of the tiredness of his leadership.

It did, however, obscure Griffin's woeful record in the National Front, where he spent much of his time engaged in factional activities, seemed to view political positions as expendable commodities, and was even then the subject of much disquiet in the matter of finance.

Griffin passed himself off as the BNP's "unity candidate", threatening that a Tyndall win would "lead inevitably to a most disastrous split" (presumably Griffin would be the leader of this putative split) - words that would earn anybody in today's Griffinite BNP instant expulsion. There were also dire warnings of purges ahead at the hands of Tyndall, while, "in happy contrast", Nick's "mature, level-headed and fundamentally decent approach" would restore unity and stability to the BNP. There would be "not one single expulsion" if Nick were to assume the leadership - "No cronysim, no favouritism, no grudges" he promised.

History tells a very different story.

One of Nick's first "positive ideas" as leader was to ensure that no challenger would ever again have the scope or freedom to campaign as he had done, and there began the first of a series of changes to the BNP constitution that should have rung loud alarm bells among those who had taken Griffin at his word

People like convinced Griffin supporters Steve and Sharron Edwards, who, within a year of Griffin's assumption of the leadership found themselves asking some searching questions about the new man's financial probity and as a result became victims of paranoic accusations that were the pretext for expelling them from the party.

They were among the first, and many legally dubious expulsions have passed under the BNP bridge since then.

That first proof that Griffin the BNP leader preserved exactly the same frame of mind as Griffin the National Front chairman (and author of the insane and infamous "Attempted Murder" pamphlet), gave wider currency to Tyndallite grumbling and opened the eyes of many early Griffin loyalists, few of whom have remained in place, due either to being cast aside as their usefulness to Griffin came to an end, were purged, or grew disillusioned.

The problem was that the only person capable of mounting a credible challenge against Griffin was John Tyndall, at the time subject to a campaign of vilification for that very reason - but Tyndall, with his Nazi past and barely reconstructed views, was anathema even to those Griffinites who had come to loath their leader.

Tyndall's death removed the biggest thorn in Griffin's side, and there has since been no other personality within the BNP who stands out even remotely as likely leadership material - not that a personality likely to present a future threat to Griffin will ever have the chance to stand out, as Jonathon Bowden discovered last summer.

Had the BNP not begun to experience its first real electoral successes as disaffection with Griffin began to rise then it quite likely that the party would have descended into vicious faction-fighting, which might have been the end of the extreme-Right for a decade or more. But election success - albeit localised - did come, and Griffin was quick to take the credit.

BNP members - more like the "sheeple" they despise than they care to believe - were happy to go along with him, and in so doing were prepared to overlook their leader's less savoury character traits and blind themselves to the stark evidence that the BNP was increasingly beginning to look like what Martin Webster christened "the Griffin Family Business".

Of course there are many reasons for the BNP's initial spurt of electoral success, none of them much at all to do with Nicholas Griffin.

It might be argued that the best election agent the BNP ever had was Blairism and its apparent (if not intentional) attempts to disconnect itself from its core electorate - an electorate unlikely, especially in the northern towns where the first BNP gains came, to find any merit in voting for the then divided and demoralised Tories, or the Liberal Democrats. We must add in to that the 2001 Oldham riots, and the fact (much as it grieves us to say it) that in certain areas of strength the BNP did have capable organisers who ran intelligent, competent local campaigns with which Nick Griffin had no connection at all.

Further gains followed, of course, and Nick identified himself with every success, to the point where many BNP members really did (and still do) believe that without the guiding hand of Griffin the BNP would have achieved nothing at all.

This is utter nonsense. If there were any truth to it at all then the BNP would have achieved comparable results to those it obtained in places like Oldham and Burnley over the remainder of the country. Save for some small pockets where the circumstances outlined above pertained, it did nothing of the kind - but Nick was never eager to take the credit for that.

The probable truth is that finding himself the leader of the most electorally successful British racist party to date came as of much as a surprise to Griffin as it did to anybody else. Even so, Griffin seemed fixed on undermining "his" achievement by continuing the ludicrous (and legally expensive) hunt for John Tyndall's scalp, the unending litany of expulsions and proscriptions, and was quite prepared to wreck the BNP in its strongest electoral areas (Burnley being the textbook case) if he smelled the least whiff of personal disloyalty.

To many, even the BNP's enemies, these seemed like the actions of a demagogue more interested in preserving his hide than those of a man possessed of "flair and vision" with "positive ideas for the future".

Tyndall died, and the BNP's then electoral high point came and went, Griffin and his leadership team reduced to promising breathroughs to come.

Last year, as we all remember, along with the BNP itself we expected the party to add to its tally of 49 sitting councillors at the 2007 local elections. Everything seemed set fair for them to do so. We gritted our teeth, the racists prepared to crow - but early into the election night results it was clear who would be doing the crowing, and it wasn't the BNP.

The next morning we wrote:

The BNP's march to power turned into a cul-de-sac of indifference yesterday, with the racist party failing to make any impression in the English local elections.

Predicting at least a doubling of their 49 councillors, a devastated BNP finds its tally (at the time of writing) remains 49. Though the BNP did pick up seats it lost the same number, making no net gains. Of the nine BNP councillors up for re-election only one successfully defended his seat.

Claiming "mixed results" in an attempt to hide an electoral calamity from its shell-shocked members, there was no real disguising of the BNP's utter failure over large swathes of the country. The party's fortunes stalled and went into reverse in areas where its hopes were high, notably Sandwell and Birmingham, where thousands of votes were lost. Votes in cities such as Coventry were barely improved over those obtained thirty years ago by the National Front. In an effort to distract attention from the Birmingham debacle, the BNP is focussing attention on the fact that it gained more votes than the renegade Sharon Ebanks and her tiny number of New Nationalist Party candidates.

Griffin did not rush to identify himself with this particular set of results, nor did he attempt to explain why, when - by its own assessment - conditions had never been better for the BNP, all that could be reported was abject failure.

Of course, Griffin had other concerns by then, the lacklustre leadership challenge of Chris Jackson assuming a new and threatening importance in the light of the appalling election results, which challenge had to be hamstrung (as it was) before any damage to Griffin's position was done.

The paranoid sequel to Jackson's challenge was well enough reported here and is fresh enough in our minds not to bear a full re-telling, save to recall Griffin's infamously insane "vermin", "thieves" and "liars" blog diatribe, backed up by an equally hysterical and inventive four page spread in the BNP's "Identity" magazine - and, naturally, the purging and proscribing quickly followed.

Post the 2007 locals, the BNP continued to fight in by-elections, where it could concentrate its resources in pursuit of the best possible showing. Their results were lamentable - though there were areas, the East Midlands and adjacent districts being salient cases, where the party could produce a good first-time vote. Unfortunately for them, where the party's performance could be measured against previous outings in the same ward, their vote invariably fell.

Seeking a crumb of comfort, the party was overjoyed to retain a seat in Loughton, making a great deal of fuss over this "achievement" - and going to great lengths to silence wiser voices which pointed out that the BNP vote had fallen by a notable 5% and that the seat had been retained by a margin of 20 votes against a candidate who did not belong to one of the major parties. To say, as some did, that this was no small cause for concern was to invite attack as a "troublemaker", a "splitter", an "anti-BNP Red" and all the usual epithets beloved of the Griffinite BNP.

All that mattered was that the seat had been retained, and to hell with any unwelcome analysis - thank you, Nick!

They were to pay for this self-deluding complacency.

Ignoring for now the damp squib of the BNP's Decembrist revolt, the BNP began mustering its electoral troops early for the 2008 locals. As was clear from their numerous blogs and their posts on their usual internet hang-outs, they had worked themselves up for a real breakthrough.

This was going to be their year - they could feel it in their bones.

We couldn't. Everything we'd seen and recorded of BNP performances over the past year told us that though some gains were likely, nothing much was going to change and the established picture of electoral stagnation and reverse would continue.

For once, the BNP leadership cultivated a healthy restraint in its predictions, even inventing the meaningless spin-phrase "quiet revolution" to explain the BNP's snail's pace growth (or lack thereof) to a potentially restive membership. And there was a distinct air of unreality in the lead up to election day.

What struck us was the idiotic claim made by BNP deputy chairman and Griffin cheerleader Simon Darby that he had made a "breakthrough" by sealing a deal with the Pensioners Party whereby that party would recommend its members and supporters to vote BNP. The only fly in the ointment was that the PP had a total of six members, was completely unknown and without influence, and its leadership seemed to be unaware of any deal with the BNP. Members of other parties might have resented this cynical attempt to con them, but, all too typically, the BNP sheeple seemed more outraged that the con had been exposed.

Unreality continued as virtually powerless parish councillors became equated in Griffinite BNP spin with district councillors, an exercise designed purely to push up the total number of BNP "councillors" gained and to prove to an all too gullible membership of how well things were progressing for the BNP - proof in itself that the BNP's leadership had no great expectations for the 2008 locals. Several non-political parish council seats fell unopposed into the hands of the BNP, each "gain" being proudly reported on the BNP website.

It was so much whistling in the dark.

The BNP gained a grand total of ten "real" councillors, and its vote in its own heartlands fell, frequently by considerable margins.

Nick Griffin did not rush to bask in the reflected glory of this particular success, and though many BNP members still regurgitate the Griffinite smoke-and-mirrors line that something remarkable happened on May 1st, it is apparent that hard reality is finally beginning to bite for some of their number.

The plain fact, which they cannot ignore, is that by its own lights electoral conditions were never better for the BNP than they were on May 1st. A long serious of immigration controversies preceded the elections, some in the same week, there was the 40th anniversary of Powell's "Rivers of Blood" speech, falling together with the BBC "White Season" series, and the party frequently received completely uncritical press coverage. They themselves were reporting on ecstatic doorstep receptions for their canvassers.

And still Nick Griffin could deliver only 10 extra councillors from the 612 seats fought by the BNP.

Following the locals we had to wait 24 hours for the results of the London Mayoral race and the GLA elections - 24 hours in which Griffin must have prayed for a miracle. At all events, the BNP's spinmeisters began to play down expectations (and with good reason), uncertain whether they would gain anything at all.

Disaster seemed to beckon for what party apparatchniks were calling the BNP's finest campaign, but finally the much-hyped Richard Barnbrook scraped a GLA seat with 5.4%.

In the wake of this apparent "landmark" victory, as they touted it, the BNP seemed oblivious to the fact that 30 years ago the more honestly racist National Front averaged pretty much the same vote and better over large swathes of London. The truth is that the BNP should have achieved election on 7-8% of the vote if there was to be any credibility to their claim of "progress". They did not.

Again Nick Griffin failed to deliver.

After nine years of Nick Griffin's "vision and flair", in the most favourable circumstances imaginable, the BNP still manages a miserable grand total of 55 (real) local councillors and one elected (just) member of the GLA.

This is not a record that would wash in any political party other than the BNP.

To sum up the nine years of Nick Griffin's leadership, then, there has been, from the beginning and ever since, a long series of legally challengable expulsions of those who either cast doubt on Griffin's financial management of the party or who were deemed a threat to his position. There has been a ruthless willingness to wreck the BNP in its own areas of strength for no better reason than that members in those areas felt their loyalties to the party over-rode any presumed loyalty to a man they did not trust or in who they lacked confidence. In short, there has been continual internal strife since 1999.

If the incessant amendments to the BNP's risible constitution were not enough to make Nick feel safe, then, as some of you will be aware, the party has issued "Activist Declaration" forms - the only case we know of in British politics where ordinary members of a political party are being forced to swear something not a million miles removed from the Nazi oath of allegiance, and at the same time to give themselves as hostage to fortune to whatever constitutional changes Griffin chooses to enact.

Clearly a trap is being loaded, since: "I agree to abide by the British National Party’s Constitution and any amendments made to it under the provisions of the Constitution".

Those signing this (Barnsian?) document, especially those closely allied with Griffin's internal opponents, may as well hand the man a loaded gun and wait to be shot the moment the inevitable constitutional amendments are made.

It can have no other purpose.

Perhaps the sudden appearance of this scurrilous document can be best explained by the fact that elections for the European parliament are now a year away, and if there is one thing we know Griffin longs to do it is to bag his ticket on the Euro gravy-train.

To that end he has already deposed Chris Jackson as North-west Regional Organiser in favour of himself, and parachuted himself in as the BNP's number one candidate in the region. We also saw, when a general election seemed but weeks away last autumn, that Griffin's overarching concern was to preserve BNP finances for the Euro elections - strange behaviour for a British "national" party.

You or I might think a good general election performance would be of more lasting benefit to the BNP than Griffin's flying off to Strasbourg and the riches of an MEP on the back of a tiny vote in north-west England, but the BNP have convinced themselves that this is the way forward - failing to notice that a similar exercise has done the UKIP no good at all, and never really asking themselves exactly what a lone BNP representative in Europe is going to achieve for the party.

However that may be, with the prize now in sight the Griffin Family Business must be protected from hostile takeover, and we can't help but to think that the "Activist Declaration" form is a large and sinister part of that protection.

In perspective, then: in nine years Nick Griffin has taken the BNP from nowhere to next to nowhere. In the most favourable conditions ever to exist in which a racialist and nationalist party could expect to grow, the BNP under Griffin has remained stunted, its membership numbering well under 10,000, despite the regular repetition of the lie that hundreds join every week.

It remains electorally moribund, and where it has met with success it has done so despite the turbulent Griffin, not because of him. His record is, by any measure, lamentable, nine years of effort and eye-watering expenditure on the part of the BNP producing a paltry crop of 55 local councillors who all too often are not up to the job and all too prone to find themselves confronted with past indiscretions.

That Griffin has managed for so long to pass off his leadership as a story of unparalleled success is an achievement of sorts, we suppose, but we on our side of the fence really do thank our stars that the BNP chose to land itself with the most divisive and incompetent leader ever to grace the stage of the far-Right in Britain.

"Flair and vision"? It seems more like stuff and nonsense to us.

TU Certification Office investigating Solidarity

Some time ago we were made aware that the trades union Certification Officer was at last actively investigating several complaints made against the BNP/Patrick Harrington version of the fake union, Solidarity.

The complaints were made by members of the original, official Solidarity Executive, sidelined by Harrington and Nick Griffin when the union was effectively hi-jacked last year, and more recent complaints have been made by supporters of the Unity and allied websites who were concerned that the Certification Officer might be tempted to avoid involvement, given the complexity of the case presented and the veritable viper-pit of personalities involved.

The website of the Certification Officer now carries the following notice:

On 22 May 2008 the Certification Officer appointed Gerard Walker, Assistant Certification Officer, as an Inspector to investigate the financial affairs of the trade union Solidarity. The appointment was made under Section 37B of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992. The Inspector's terms of reference are to investigate the financial affairs of the trade union Solidarity between 1 November 2005 and 24 November 2007; as regards;

a. the production of receipts for expenditure,

b. the operation of the Solidarity Paypal account,

c. withdrawals from the Solidarity HSBC current account on 20 and 25 September 2007 and a transfer to the Solidarity HSBC current account from the Solidarity HSBC Money Manager Account on 20 September 2007,

d. cheques cashed from the Solidarity HSBC current account between 18 January 2007 and 4 June 2007,

e. payments made to Mr Patrick Harrington from the Solidarity HSBC current account between 1 February 2007 and 1 May 2007,

f. the freezing of the Solidarity HSBC Current Account and Business Money Manager Account in 2007,

g. the opening of a Bank of Scotland account in the name of Solidarity in 2007,

h. the appointment of Accentuate PR Company by Solidarity in 2007,

i. the appointment of the auditors of Solidarity's accounts for the years ending 31 December 2006 and 31 December 2007 and

j. any other matter, with the consent of the Certification Officer, indicating a financial irregularity within the description set out in section 37B(2) of the 1992 Act that may come to light during the investigation of (a) to (i) above.

The terms of reference exclude the Inspector from reaching any conclusion on the legal issues arising out of the unresolved dispute within Solidarity about the application of its rules to its governance, the resolution of which requires either internal agreement or judicial determination.

The final paragraph is a clear enough statement that the Certification Officer intends to make no judgement or ruling on the legality or otherwise of the Harrington takeover, and so, whatever the outcome of this investigation into the financial affairs of Solidarity, the fake union will remain in the hands of Harrington and the BNP - unless the official Executive have the wherewithal to take the matter to law.

We do not expect them to do so, but we can state that in the unlikely event of control of the union being returned to them, then the official Executive intend to liquidate Solidarity due to the taint of its association with the BNP and Harrington - though this had not previously been a concern to Solidarity's leaders.

On the rarely visited website maintained by the hi-jacked version of Solidarity, Harrington republishes the investigation schedule, adding:

We keep an open-mind as regards the motivation of the Certification Office. It is possible that they are a neutral party simply responding professionally to a series of malicious (and potentially defamatory) allegations. We caution any third party from making unfounded or premature statements regarding this matter.

It is a very strange thing indeed that the supposed General Secretary of a supposed trade union only thinks it "possible" that the Certification Office is a "neutral party", as if he had no idea what the Certification Office existed for. Note, too, the clear threat in the final sentence, obviously intended for our eyes.

Harrington ends: "Members can rest assured that we will deal with this matter in a businesslike fashion and our services will continue to be delivered as normal."

Exactly what these "services" are is open to question, since our contacts within the Harrington/BNP Solidarity have seen very little of service and very much of waffle and grandiose promise for their £5 per month.

Solidarity has clearly failed.

As we have seen in past articles, it is very far from being the "One Big Union" of Harrington's vaulting aspirations, having only 211 members (allegedly), and having stirred little interest among the BNP membership at which it aims itself. Its annual conference was a tawdry hole and corner affair hedged about with tight security, and attended by only 27 members - almost a third of those sitting on the Executive platform.

Its much-promoted May Day activities boiled down to some desultory leafleting at two distant locations by a tiny number of members (four, we believe) armed with scruffy hand-made placards.

And, of course, it has taken on only one case since its inception, that of sacked teacher Mark Walker, a BNP man advised by the useless "fighting union" to find himself a lawyer specialising in employment law.

As there really is no beginning to the successes of the Harrington/BNP Solidarity, and as we're in danger of repeating old and all too familiar news, we'll leave it there.

At this time we have no idea of the probable timescale of Gerard Walker's investigation into Solidarity's finances, or even whether Mr Walker intends either to interview the main protagonists or to accept their written submissions, but we'll bring news of the outcome as soon as we have it.

23 May 2008

Solidarity May Day flop (what else did you expect?)

A bit of a lull for us here at Norfolk Unity recently, with DG flitting off for a holiday and yours truly having his arm twisted to redecorate the kitchen (and the hall, and the parlour...), but we're back and fighting fit, so let's kick off with news of everybody's favourite One Big Vast Huge Onion...

Still labouring under the illusion that anybody cares for him and the other 210 members of the BNP front known as Solidarity, risible "General Secretary" Patrick Harrington called on his fellow British workers (he isn't one, by the way - a worker, that is) to pull out all the stops for May Day.

The Great Fantasist's call was duly answered - by around four people carting around professionally hand-scrawled placards, by our reckoning.

The One Big Vast Huge Onion ("establishing itself as a major independent Trade Union") reported that leaflets were handed out to rail communters in Romford and shoppers in Torquay High Street, and... er, that's it.

According to the Huge Onion's error-strewn website, "social events" were held over the May bank holiday weekend and "Other Chapters of our Brotherhood were out on the streets". But the Huge Onion doesn't seem to know where these "social events" were held or which streets the "Brotherhood" were out on, and Harrington's exhortation for the Brotherhood to send in reports and photographs of their activites has so far drawn a blank.

Mostly because nothing of the kind happened, and as indifference usually reaches fever pitch very quickly whenever the Great Fantasist makes a call for anything, ergo there was nothing to send in.

"Together we are strong!"

Not with the Great Fantasist running the show you're not!

Back in March the One Big Vast Huge Onion's website carried a statement from its token Sikh Pramjit Sadra, the "statement" grandly issued by the Onion's one-man PR-"company" with the webmail address, Accentuate. In it Sadra attacks migrant labour, but we're not interested in that as much as we are Mr Sadra himself. We've tracked him far and wide and been in touch with him frequently (though he doesn't know it - yet), and far from being a "British worker" Sadra seems to be involved in a number of get-rich-quick schemes - those flaming eAcademy emails (among others) are really clogging up my inbox.

We'll have more on Mr Sadra the British worker very soon.

We'll also have news of the trade union Certification Office's decision on the legitimacy of the One Big Vast Huge Onion.

Visitors will remember that the "union" was hi-jacked from its founders by the BNP last summer when allegations of financial irregularities concerning Patrick Harrington surfaced, so we have Official Solidarity (the original organisation founded by Clive Potter and Tim Hawke) and Provisional Solidarity (Harrington's One Big Vast Huge Onion group).

The Certification Office is investigating allegations of financial irregularities, and breaches of both the law and Solidarity's constitution.

The Certification Office will issue a ruling on whether the Harrington/BNP takeover was legitimate. If it isn't, a legal morass will swamp both sides, as a ruling in favour of Official Solidarity will almost certainly mean that the One Big Vast Huge Onion will have to hand over its assets and membership lists - and we can't see the BNP allowing that to happen without pulling a few strokes.

Something we do know for certain is that the Executive of Official Solidarity recently held a meeting to discuss the way forward in the event of the Certification Office ruling in their favour. The meeting concluded that the name of Solidarity had been so badly damaged by its close association with the British National Party and had attracted so little interest (even from BNP members) that there was no point in continuing with the operation, and they would disband it.

As the BNP and the Great Fantasist would find it very difficult to start up another fake trade union (because this time the real trade unions will be ready for them), Harrington would find himself with even more time on his hands than normal in which to "order" the start-up of more blogs devoted to "deconstructing" (his most favouritest word in all the world) the Unity websites that have done so much to remind the antifascist brethren that you don't need to visit a circus to see a clown in action.

15 May 2008

BNP three quit party after local elections

British National Party members elected to a town council have resigned from the party. BNP North Wales organiser John Oddy and party members Paul Harley and Susan Harley were elected unopposed to Bay of Colwyn Town Council this month. Yesterday it emerged the three tendered their resignations to the party after the election.

This follows a clash between Mr Oddy and higher ranking members, and a graffiti attack at the home of husband and wife Paul and Susan Harley where “BNP racist scum” was daubed on their garage.

Mr Oddy said: “I feel as I have become more high profile I have clashed with the hierarchy in the party and this has now come to a head and led to my resignation. I am at odds with the opinions of the Welsh branch of the BNP, although I have no quarrel with the party nationally.”

Haulage worker Mr Harley, 62, from Penrhyn Bay, who was elected to the Dinerth ward, said: “When I joined the party I did believe that the party had changed from its former image. I felt the same after attending meetings where racist views were not expressed but in the past few weeks I have found out more about the party and I am not happy with what I have found out. I have always maintained that I was not racist, but individuals that hold racist views remain. My mind was made up before the attack on the house, myself and my wife did not want to be portrayed as racist, which we are not. We only wanted to represent the community.”

The trio offered to stand down from their seats on Colwyn Bay council but their offer was turned down and they will now stand as independents.

BNP spokesman Simon Darby said he believed being a BNP member came with “certain pressures” and the attack on the Harleys’ home had contributed to their resignations.

Daily Post

6 May 2008

Lee Barnes lays down the law to challengers

An ex-member of the BNP sent the following communiqué to us after receiving a deluge of crap from the party - including four increasingly desperate appeals for his hard-earned cash - since the beginning of the year.

And now Lee Barnes is writing to him...

Ignoring for the moment the appalling illiteracy of the letter ('Councilor', 'Autty' ,'Kirkless' and the superb 'puupet') Barnes, who seems to have been elevated from his lowly role as legal advisor to the dizzy heights of Director of BNP Legal Department, seems to be saying that it has been decided by the BNP hierarchy that the Colin Auty challenge is illegal under party rules and that anyone who supports it 'will be tried for conspiracy and treason'. Lordy, such power.

Barnes also makes quite a number of statements in the letter that could, if the December rebels felt inclined, lead him straight into the libel courts. Certainly, his claims that they passed information to MI5 and Special Branch would be extremely difficult to prove and could provide us all with entertainment for months, with the added benefit that it would make anyone who gave Bonkers Barnes his head, like the current leader Nick Griffin perhaps, look a complete and utter fool.


Following a high level conference between senior high level BNP officials earlier today to discuss among other issues the security of Richard Barnbrook in the wake of serious threats to his person by far leftist cowards as he travels to and from the London Assembly I have been instructed to inform you of a bogus and illegal leadership challenge and the disciplinary measures we are now putting in place to squash this diversionary and divisive activity in the bud. This is a deceitful and cynical attempt to divert the party’s attention away from the historical victory last week in London and to derail the activist’s attention away from the all important European Elections next June.

This is a sham nothing and more than a forged challenge devised by the liars, thieves and splitters who tried to wreck the party in December 2007 before their unsuccessful coup was successfully thwarted by quick action from the Party’s own security, legal and intelligence departments. The challenger claims is to be Councilor Colin Autty from Kirkless in Yorkshire, a decent man who is known to many of you but he is being used as a puupet by the gang of malcontents who stole party emails, stole party property, stole thousand of pounds of party monies, spread malicious rumours about the Chairman, myself and other senior party officers on bogus Blogs and through a series of bogus bulletins which they prepared using stolen membership lists which they then passed on to our enemies in MI5, The Special Branch, The Labour Party and the Searchlight organisation. They then tried unsuccessfully to set up a rival political party. It is a cylical attempt by our enemies to try and derail the Party and to stop activities to get BNP members electd to the European Parliament.

The Party is on the edge of a historical victory in Europe next year. Nothing must stand in the way of getting the democractically elected Chairman and others elected to the European Parliament in Europe next year.

Aiding and abeting these people is an offence under the Party Constitution 10th edition.

Anyone who has already signed or is thinking of signing or intending to sign the nomination forms for Colin Autty will be suspended from Party membership pending an internal dispclinary tribunal where members will be tried for conspiracy and treason as per the Constitutition Section 6. (3) Section 7 – failure to use the correct channels to express concerns, 8 - spreading false and malicious rumours about Party officials and members, and behaviour likely to bring the Party into disrepute. Those found guilty of conspiracy and treason will be expelled from the Party and proscibred for life.

The laugable attempt to portray themselves as trying to 'save the party' is directly contradicted by the fact that they have spent since Christmas undermining the party, attacking the party, spreading lies about the Chairman, myself and other party activists, inciting dissent in the party and actively encouraging party activists not to stand in elections or assist party candidates in the elections.

This is not a game we are playing, this is a war and in times of war unquestionable obedience and loyalty to the commander in the field must come first, The 'First Law Of Nationalism' is - If you work with the enemy, then you are the enemy.

Yours sincerely

Lee John Barnes (LLB Hons)
Director of BNP Legal Department

Lancaster Unity

3 May 2008

Auty mounts challenge to oust Griffin

If Nick Griffin believed that dressing up the week's less than impressive BNP electoral performances as a stunning success would be enough to divert the flak and stifle discontent in the ranks he was wrong.

A leadership challenge is to be mounted by Kirklees BNP councillor Colin Auty. The challenge is backed by Cllrs Chris Beverley, Joanne Beverley and Roger Robertson.

A website in support of Auty's challenge has appeared here.

More news as we get it.

2 May 2008

Local elections 2008 - a statement by Searchlight

The BNP has failed to make its expected breakthrough in the 2008 local elections, ending up with a net gain of just ten council seats. More significantly, its vote in many of its heartlands has gone down, in some cases quite considerably.

On election day the BNP predicted it would win 40 new councillors and three seats on the London Assembly. However, when the first results came in, it quickly became clear that this was too optimistic. As the night continued the size of the BNP failure became apparent.

The BNP won three seats in Stoke-on-Trent and two each in Amber Valley, Rotherham and Nuneaton & Bedworth. It also took one seat in Thurrock, Three Rivers, Pendle and Calderdale. It also successfully defended seats in Epping and Burnley. This takes the number of BNP councillors to 55, up from 45 before these elections.

However, it also lost two seats it was defending in Epping and one in Kirklees.

In most areas the BNP share of the vote was well down on last year, which in itself was down on the previous election, particularly in its traditional heartlands.

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The fall in the BNP vote was especially surprising given Labour’s difficulties. Just under 80% of the BNP’s target wards were held by Labour but it seems that the BNP did not benefit from this. Instead, early analysis seems to show that many BNP supporters either stayed at home or switched to the Conservative Party. Suddenly, for those who wanted to register an anti-Labour vote, there was an alternative.

The BNP’s decline did not happen by chance. Searchlight and the HOPE not hate campaign had been working tirelessly in the key wards for many months. We organised telephone and doorstep canvassing, direct mail shots and localised leaflets. We worked with all the political parties best placed to beat the BNP and co-ordinated work with the trade unions, and faith and community groups.

Nationally, we joined forces with the Daily Mirror to run another HOPE not hate tour of Britain. In addition to our colourful old London bus, daily articles in the newspaper and a daily video on YouTube, we sent out over 150,000 “Get Out and Vote” emails on the day before polling. It was the largest ever email campaign in domestic British political history. Our finest hour came with U-Day two days before the election, when 700 volunteers braved inclement weather to deliver 200,000 campaign leaflets at 200 tube and railway stations in the Greater London area.

The BNP did not achieve its hoped-for breakthrough but there is no room for complacency. With the BNP on course to win one seat on the London Assembly and the European elections, contested under PR, only a year away, the BNP is still a major threat. We should be encouraged that the BNP can be defeated in its heartlands by a strategy that takes the party on rather than ignores it, but there is still a lot of work to do.


BNP set to falter in bid to clinch 40 more seats

The British National party performed worse than it expected in overnight election results despite gains in the Midlands, northern England and Essex.

It gained eight seats but appeared to be falling well short of its leaders' target of 40 new councillors with 100 of 159 councils declared. It may still make gains in the London assembly elections due to declare later.

Despite the collapse of Labour's support, early indications show the BNP's share of the vote fell in the wards they contested. In Sandwell in the Midlands, where they secured 33% of the vote two years ago, they got 17% this time.

"In the party's heartlands, it looks as though the share of the vote has dropped which, with the backdrop of Labour's performance, is encouraging," said Nick Lowles from the anti-racist organisation, Searchlight.

"And although there have been eight gains so far that is below what they were predicting, especially in places where they have stood before."

The number of BNP councillors is expected to increase during the day as results come in from councils such as Stoke and in Yorkshire and north-west England.

The BNP leadership says it expects to win up to three seats on the London Assembly when the votes are declared this afternoon. However, early reports of high turnout across the capital may make this less likely.

The Guardian

1 May 2008


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